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Executive Committee statement
The Workers and Socialist Party welcomes metalworkers’ union NUMSA’s 2018 New Year statement on a workers party. The call to help build such a party could not have been more timely. It comes against the background of a conference that has split the ANC down the middle. This was arguably the ANC’s most convincing demonstration of its incapacity to provide leadership to society. The factional civil war that broke out in every province in the run up to its 54th national conference is far from over following the stalemate at ‘Naswreck’. The ANC is being torn apart by factions holding on to each other only because the alternative will almost certainly mean the end of the ANC as a governing party in the 2019 elections.
It is not certain for how much longer the ANC – in reality at least two rival gangs locked in a blood-feud within one organisational shell – can remain a single entity. Ramaphosa’s repeated post-conference promises to make “unity” the ANC’s 2018 theme is a desperate attempt to overcome the paralysis inherent in the factional stalemate that brought the ANC to the edge of collapse.
If both factions eventually agree that Zuma must go, it will only be because an ANC headed by him faces the likelihood of defeat in 2019. The prospect of losing their grip on the levers of state power for self-enrichment outweighs the Zuma faction’s loyalty to their factional figurehead. With the end of his term as president of the country to follow on the defeat of his preferred candidate at the conference, Zuma is now a lame duck. The Zuma faction needs him to go now for the same reason that they needed him in power – to loot. Despite this, it is by no means guaranteed that the pro-Zuma faction will agree. They would be inclined to demand immunity from prosecution; something it would be virtually impossible for Ramaphosa to grant without damaging his own “anti-corruption” credentials.
The ANC must go with Zuma
The outcome of the ANC conference must be interpreted as a public admission that it has forfeited the right to govern the country. It is demanding to be removed. It is time the working class took its rightful place at the head of society.
The leadership of the working class has until now not been as conscientious in responding to the rapidly changing political situation as the strategists of capital have been. Whilst the strategists of capital have been feverishly at work to preserve political control of their system there has been far too much dithering on our side.
The NUMSA Special National Congress (SNC) workers party resolution of 2013, for example, set the launch date to enable the workers party to stand in the 2016 local government elections. Saftu has yet to implement the resolution taken at its launch conference to discuss the workers party question.
Build Workers Party to unite working class struggles
But “agteros kom ook in die kraal” (the ox that lags last eventually also enters the kraal). This is why the NUMSA statement calling for the building of a workers party is of such crucial importance. Now that NUMSA has made this call it is the duty of all activists, leaders in the workplace, in education and communities, to take this as a signal to catch up with a rapidly developing political crisis.
Despite lagging behind politically, the working class has not been cowed into submission by the total onslaught on their living standards, wages and jobs. SA has amongst the highest rates of protest per head of population in the world. Although Zuma’s motives for announcing free education at the ANC’s December conference were factional, the fact is that it is a major concession wrung from the state by the courage and determination of students in the #FeesMustFall movement. The birth of Saftu in 2017 also represented an important step forward in the renovation of the organised working class movement.
The working class’ biggest weakness is the disunity of its forces both within each of the individual theatres of struggle – communities, educational institutions and the workplace – as well as across them. Of course the workers party cannot substitute itself for the unity that needs to be forged within each theatre of struggle. Efforts to unify each of them separately must continue. But a mass workers party will provide the priceless advantage of providing an overarching unity and act as a central organising centre.
The unification of the struggles of the working class within and across the #FeesMustFall movement, community struggles and the new federation must therefore be the first order of business for the workers party. It must be built as a party of action engaging in struggles to promote working class unity.
There can be no room for complacency for the #FeesMustFall movement. Already Zuma’s concession is a ‘hot potato’ for the ruling class. However, it will be very difficult for them to ‘cancel’ the announcement without provoking a new wave of protests. We can be sure that they will work tirelessly to water-down what “free education” means. Only determined struggles by the students, supported by workers and communities, can ensure that free education becomes a reality.
The capitalist media is busy whipping up a frenzy on the question of how free education will be paid for. Their propaganda claims the money can only come by cutting other government spending, for example by cutting social grants, house building, and service delivery, or by retrenching public sector workers. If this does not happen they ‘warn’ – in reality repeating the threats of the imperialist capitalist class and their ratings agencies – South Africa will spiral down to economic ruin. They did the same before the new minimum wage was announced, falsely claiming it will automatically lead to massive job losses.
To answer this propaganda it is necessary to be able to offer a clear alternative. If capitalism means free education and decent wages are impossible then the only alternative must be to break with capitalism and build a democratic socialist society – a society that is run by the working class in the interests of workers, the poor, the unemployed and the youth. By nationalising the banks, the mines, the commercial farms, the big factories and big businesses, and placing them under democratic working class control, the wealth can be made available to transform living standards. A democratic socialist plan of production to invest that wealth can ensure well-paid jobs, high quality homes, excellent service delivery and free education for all. Such measures are also the basis to answer the threats of the ratings agencies and the potential economic sabotage of the bosses that are guided by them.
But we must face up to the reality that the #FeesMustFall movement is not yet ideologically, programmatically and organisationally coherent. A national #FeesMustFall assembly is now an urgent necessity. The aim of such an assembly would be to place the #FeesMusFall movement on a countrywide organisational footing, uniting all universities, drawing in tertiary education institutions like TVET colleges as well as high schools. A united student movement would be able to engage the organised labour movement and communities as part of a process to build a mass workers party.
According to monitoring body, Municipal IQ, there is one service delivery protest ever second day. This figure is conservative as it excludes explicitly political protests such as the Vuyani demands for municipal boundary re-demarcation or for the removal of councillors. The fact that service delivery protests are around the same demands means that it should be possible to develop a common platform, a common programme of action and to establish a leadership structure to coordinate service delivery protests on a regional, provincial and national level. Out of this can emerge a mass socialist civic uniting struggles across the country.
The birth of Saftu represented an important step forward. The political degeneration of Cosatu has resulted in the absorption of its leadership into the capitalist political elite, exposed it to rampant corruption and resulted in it turning its back on the intensified exploitation of the working class through casualization, labour broking, contracting, etc. Saftu’s ambitious membership targets can be achieved should it pour its resources into organising this growing army of the precariat as #OutsourcingMustFall has demonstrated.
The birth of Saftu was necessitated not just by Cosatu’s incapacity to represent worker interest in the workplace. Its birth represents an attempt to restore the original political basis on which Cosatu was established. Cosatu came into being as far more than a trade union. It was founded on the understanding that the struggle in the workplace is inseparably bound up with the struggle on the political plane – that the struggle against exploitation by the bosses was inextricably linked to the struggle for national liberation. Cosatu’s political authority derived from the fact that it was the spinal column of the workers army that ultimately brought down the apartheid regime. For a whole period, Cosatu was a substitute for the workers party that the SACP and ANC prevented from developing.
Cosatu’s incarceration in the Tripartite Alliance led inevitably to betrayals also on the political plane. Obliged to defend the ANC despite its neo-liberal offensive on the working class, Cosatu has been reduced to no more than a corrupt political appendage of the capitalist ANC. From its greatest betrayal – that of the mineworkers in 2012 – followed logically Cosatu’s support today for the butcher of Marikana – Ramaphosa as ANC president.
But there has been no mass exodus from Cosatu into Saftu yet nor has it been flooded by the multi-millioned precariat – the 74% of workers not yet organised. The reason for this is that Saftu has yet to demonstrate that it is based on the original, militant, socialist political traditions of Cosatu – the Cosatu of 1985. Saftu’s policy that it is “independent but not apolitical” is based on the mistaken notion that workplace struggles and political contestation are unrelated and that abstention from politics will protect the new federation’s independence.
Cosatu’s error did not consist in principle in the fact that it was in an alliance with a political party. Its error was to enter an alliance with a capitalist party. Trade union independence is not guaranteed by not having alliances with political parties. Despite Fedusa and Nactu’s party-political “independence” they agreed, along with Cosatu, to the labour law amendments attacking the right to strike and to Ramaphosa’s minimum slave wage.
These missiles are being launched on behalf of the bosses through their main political agent – the ANC – from parliament. There was no independent working class voice to oppose them. Parliament is a site of class struggle. To abstain from party politics is to surrender the class struggle in advance, leaving the political terrain to the parties of the bosses. The working class majority is thus agreeing to submit itself to the dictatorship of the infinitesimally small capitalist minority.
Saftu can protect its independence only by placing itself in the forefront of building a workers party, ensuring it adopts a programme and political policy reflecting the interest of the working class and which it can thus earn the right to hold to account. Saftu must ensure that it implements with urgency its founding conference resolutions to finalise the debates on the workers party.
Both Cope and EFF were able to obtain more than a million votes in elections within 12 months of their birth. There is no reason why a mass workers party, especially one created through mass action, especially against the background of the deepest political crisis of the ANC, should not exceed those achievements.
Saftu must support NUMSA’s workers party call
If NUMSA’s delay on the workers party question has acted as a brake on the building of a party to enable the working class to enter the political arena independently, it is unfortunately not possible to say that Saftu has been an accelerator. Little has been done on the implementation of the launch congress resolutions to develop a programme with the appropriate structures to finalise the new federation’s position on the workers party.
But now that NUMSA has issued the call, we believe that Saftu must step up its internal processes. In Saftu’s New Year statement there is no reference at all to a workers party despite an emphatic and correct declaration that none of the ANC’s factions are capable of providing a way forward out of the impasse in society. In media interviews afterwards Saftu general secretary Vavi limited himself to saying that Saftu had not yet taken a position for or against a workers party.
We recognise that it would be undemocratic for Vavi to pronounce on the question without a mandate derived from a democratic debate amongst all affiliates. But there is nothing that prevented comrade Vavi from pointing out that the ANC’s conference has deepened the vacuum on the left, has underlined the fact that the ANC represents various wings of the capitalist party, has exhausted the political capital of its liberation credentials. Comrade Vavi could have declared that it was time for the working class to take its political destiny into its own hands and to publicly commit to ensuring that the launching conference resolutions are acted upon with urgency. Comrade Vavi could have and can still use his colossal authority to express himself in favour of a workers party in his personal capacity.
Mobilise to build the workers party
We believe that the formation of detachments of workers, youth and community activists should be formed as soon as possible to set up pre-party structures in every province. These steps must be seen as preparation for the launch of the party through an assembly for working class unity as soon as possible. There is little more than a year left before the 2019 general elections. Concrete preparations for the assembling of the forces for the workers party and its launch must proceed with urgency.
If Saftu links their planned Section 77 socio-economic strike – what they have called “the mother of all strikes” – to preparations for a new party, appealing to communities and students to participate in both, we believe there would be tremendous enthusiasm.
Clarity needed on character of the party
It is in this context that WASP believes clarity is needed on parts of NUMSA’s statement. Ever since the idea of a mass workers party first made its appearance in NUMSA, a debate has been raging over whether the workers party should be a “vanguard” or a “mass” party – a debate we have always argued, falsely counterposes one to the other. Since the internal NUMSA debates have not been opened to Saftu or the wider working class, it is not clear what the outcome of that debate has been. What appears to have happened is that the issue has been resolved by a forced marriage between the two concepts. The statement speaks of the need to build a “mass vanguard party led by professional revolutionaries”.
We do not believe this has overcome the original problem created by the contradiction the leadership appeared to believe existed between two concepts: “mass” and “vanguard”. From having regarded them as mutually exclusive, the leadership appears to have settled on the idea that they are compatible after all. Unfortunately the lumping together of the two concepts as in a marriage where partners agree to bear each other’s surnames, does not resolve the question of the party’s organisational character, its internal regime, its relationship with the broader working class and, above all its programme.
Does this mean for example that the graduates of NUMSA’s political school for the “red one hundred” shop stewards have been pre-selected to constitute the general staff of “professional revolutionaries” of the party? Have party structures already been established? If so what is the nature of these structures? How, when and by whom were they established? To whom are they accountable?
We are concerned that to call upon workers just to join without having had the opportunity to participate in the debate about the most appropriate structures and without the right to elect the leaders is not the correct approach. It sends the unintended message that the NUMSA leadership does not have confidence in workers democracy or in engaging with activists in the wider working class on these critical issues. It creates the unfortunate impression that the leadership trusts only their own judgements and understanding of theory, organisational methods, strategies and tactics.
It opens up the NUMSA leadership to the accusation that instead of allowing the party to come into being through the organised activity of ordinary workers and youth, it is imposing a pre-frabricated party structure complete with a pre-installed party leadership of “professional revolutionaries.” It would reinforce fears that even if the leadership has broken with the SACP as a party political formation, it continues to adhere to the organisational culture of the SACP. The SACP is notorious for arrogating to itself the title of “vanguard of the working class” as its only authentic voice without the consent or participation of the working class itself in the building of the party.
The party NUMSA is championing will, in our view, even as a mass force, draw in the best, most developed and experienced activists – the “vanguard” as in the guiding layers of the class, of a party that itself will be the organisational “vanguard” of the tens of millions that it has the potential to draw behind it.
What are the tasks facing a workers party?
Truth is concrete as Lenin never tired of reminding us. What are the tasks that concretely face the working class in SA today? The Tripartite Alliance is in political ruins, shattered, in the final analysis by the conflict of the irreconcilable class interests between the capitalist ANC and the socialist Cosatu it housed. This conflict reached its historical breaking point during the Marikana massacre as represented by the capitalist ANC on the one hand, and the organised workers on the other. But Marikana itself did not spring out of clear blue sky. It was the culmination of subterranean processes of class differentiation and conflict that placed a limited life-span on this post-apartheid class collaborationist arrangement. It was based on a division of labour in which Cosatu’s role was to subordinate the interests of the workers to those of the capitalist ANC elite.
As early as 1998, that is before the end of the ANC’s very first term, the Cosatu survey on shop steward’s political attitudes found that 30% favoured the formation of a workers party to stand against the ANC in the 1994 elections. At that stage the “vanguard” of the working class was in fact organised as Cosatu. It had developed a growing understanding that the ANC represented different antagonistic class interests from the working class. By 2012 this substantial minority had grown to an overwhelming majority of 67%. NUMSA’s SNC resolutions were therefore entirely in step with the views of the majority of the “vanguard’.
There is no shortage of combativity in the working class as the service delivery protests, student protests and workplace struggles tell us on a daily basis. What is absent is a unifying centre of struggle, an engine to compress the energies of the entire working class. Prior to Cosatu’s political demise, it played that role unifying workplace and community struggles. The adoption of the SNC resolutions were a reflection of the conclusion not just of NUMSA workers but of the working class as a whole. The ANC’s crisis has merely underscored this fact.
We look forward to getting answers to these critical questions. But we will participate enthusiastically in building the party all the same and raise these issues with comrades from both inside NUMSA and in the broader working class movement. We are confident the NUMSA leadership will encourage the establishment of forums to tap into the energies of all comrades committed to the building of such a party. In the meantime we wish to contribute towards the discussions our concept of the type of party that is needed.
What type of party do we need?
We believe that including a federal component in the structure of a new party will be very important. This would allow existing working class formations – community structures, trade unions, workers’ committees, youth groups, political formations etc. – to work together without the fear of being swallowed up and losing their political identity. The detail of exactly how this would work in practice can be debated. But what it must allow is space for fraternal democratic debate about which ideas can take the working class forward; by being united under one umbrella these ideas can then be tested in practice in the struggle – we can abandon what does not work and adopt what does.
The workers party programme
The NUMSA leadership has proposed that the workers party programme be based on the Freedom Charter. The FC has a number of progressive clauses. These include nationalisation of the banks, mines, mills and farms as well as the call for a 35 hour week amongst others. But as the leadership has itself acknowledged, the FC is not a socialist programme. Even the nationalisation clauses do not have the necessary qualification NUMSA SNC conference documents criticised the EFF for – workers control.
As a document written to accommodate the variety of class forces present – capitalists, petty bourgeois intellectuals, lawyers, doctors, tradesmen, workers – urban and rural, including trade unionists – the document attempted to be all things to all people. It makes reference neither to capitalism nor socialism. It is in that sense a reformist document that sows the illusion that the really existing capitalism that formed the foundation for apartheid, could be cleansed of its racial features and refashioned into a system capable of accommodating the interests of all classes. The experience of the entire post-apartheid period has demonstrated that this is utopian.
To maximise the prospects of unity WASP proposes that the workers party be based on the following minimum programme:
- Nationalisation of the commanding heights of the economy – the banks, the mines, the commercial farms, big factories and big businesses – under workers control and management organised according to a democratic plan of production
- Free quality de-colonised education for all; free healthcare; high quality service delivery
- Quality housing for millions of shack dwellers and, low interest loans and rates control for home owners in working class communities
- R10,000 per month minimum wage for all full-time workers and an end to outsourcing and labour broking
- Elected workers party representatives to receive no more than the wage of a skilled worker, accountable to, and immediately re-callable by, democratic party structures
As the ANC’s crisis plays itself out in the run-up to the 2019 elections, the class struggle will not be suspended. On the contrary it is set to intensify. As soon as the February national budget, there could be a renewed offensive to solve the crisis of capitalism at the expense of the working class. The labour law amendments restricting the right to strike, to limit their duration etc. are intended to disarm the working class in advance. On all fronts of the class war – education, communities and the workplace – the working class will have to mobilise. The workers party can come into being as a force uniting these struggles into an unstoppable tsunami to sweep aside the ANC government in 2019. We must use the electoral challenge as a platform to organise to the abolition of the capitalist system itself to prepare the way for a socialist South Africa, a socialist Africa and a socialist world.
by Weizmann Hamilton, Executive Committee
After the most tumultuous run-up to any conference in ANC history, watched across the world, with over a thousand journalists in attendance, and the markets moving up in anticipation of the results, Cyril Ramaphosa has ascended to the presidency of the ANC after a bitterly fought factional contest. The “radical economic transformation” faction and the business-aligned anti-corruption crusaders fought each other all the way from the bottom to the top, in almost all provinces, resulting in the nullification of branch, regional and provincial conferences by the courts. It continued right up to the eve of conference.
Never before has the outcome of an ANC conference, the composition of its delegates and the legitimacy of its leadership elections been decided outside the ANC itself. During the conference there was a truce in the “lawfare” – the ANC’s pre-conference factional civil war that played itself out in the courts. Now, however, a factional civil war confined pre-conference to branch, regional and provincial structures, may be elevated to national level.
Should the dispute over the 63 uncounted votes be taken to court, theoretically the legitimacy of the entire National Executive Committee (NEC) could itself be posed. The stakes are huge. The secretary general is, after the president, the most powerful official in the ANC. Success in court would mean the removal of the Free State’s Ace Magashule and the installation of KZN’s Senzo Mchunu, tipping the balance of factional power in the NEC ‘top six’ – currently split three-three – in favour of Ramaphosa.
Irrespective of the outcome of a possible court process, however, the ANC’s 54th national conference has failed spectacularly to resolve the underlying divisions that coalesced around the #CR17 and #NDZ17 factional war for control of the ANC. The split in the top six has merely been replicated across the entire 80-strong NEC with only two nominees appearing on both slates.
There is no doubt that Cyril Ramaphosa’s victory over Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was a devastating defeat for President Jacob Zuma. The central aim of Zuma’s strategy was not so much the continuation of his dynasty, but to ensure that his ex-wife and mother of four of his children would arrange an amnesty to ensure that he would not spend his retirement in prison in orange overalls. On the face of it that strategy now lies in ruins.
However whilst the failure to get Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma to succeed him was a blow to Zuma’s strategic solar plexus, his faction has not been defeated. In fact its representation in the top six has been strengthened. The top six elections produced a ‘mixed masala’ with equal representation for the pro-and anti-Zuma factions. This has entrenched the divisions, throwing into even sharper relief the boundaries of the camps into which the ANC is divided. The small margins that separated the votes in the key positions of president and secretary general confirm that neither faction is capable of delivering a decisive blow against the other.
It is by no means certain that Ramaphosa will be able to take even the first step in the implementation of the mandate that was the theme of his campaign – the eradication of corruption – that is, the removal of Zuma in the manner that was possible after Mbeki’s defeat after the 2007 Polokwane conference where he himself ascended to power.
The #CR17 and #NDZ17 factions resemble two wresters in a title fight who have staggered out of the ring at the end of the bout with a vice grip on each other. It exposes the hypocrisy of the calls for “unity” and denunciation of slates by both factions in the run-up to the conference. Instead both sides worked feverishly to ensure the victory of their factions. The outcome of the conference has thus confirmed the very opposite – the ANC’s deep and irreconcilable disunity. The ANC has survived its own conference intact for now.
Ramaphosa will be under enormous pressure to have Zuma recalled. To succeed he will need a majority in the NEC where he needs only a simple majority. But new ANC deputy president, Mpumalanga Premier David Mabuza, has emerged as a power broker. A chess player in his spare time, Mabuza whose favourite book is Tsu San’s “The Art of War”, moved cunningly to distance himself from the #NDZ17 faction in the run up to the conference. With the resources of IT billionaire, Robert Gumede at his disposal, Mabuza bought sufficient votes in his province to have the second highest number of conference delegates and was decisive in Ramaphosa’s victory. In debt to Mabuza, Ramaphosa will be able to move against Zuma only with his support in an NEC that is otherwise split down the middle.
As corrupt as the #NDZ17 faction whose “Premier League” triumvirate (along with Free State and North West premiers) Mabuza was once a part of, he is unlikely to be inclined to take any action against Zuma that could possibly expose his own corruption. What lies ahead therefore is paralysis, instability and an intensification of the factional civil war. In time this will make the co-habitation of the two main factions in the same party intolerable for each other and pose the possibility of a split irrespective of their mortal fears as to its implications.
The ANC is faced with the dilemma we have pointed to before: the inoperable brain tumour that Zuma has become. To remain with Zuma as president ahead of the 2019 elections would be suicidal for its electoral prospects. But removing Zuma could precipitate a split. The reinstatement of the 783 counts of corruption he faces would mean almost certain imprisonment. His faction’s paranoia is expressed in the creeping authoritarianism of Zuma’s administration and the attempt at the securitisation of the state. Zuma’s off-the-cuff remarks that he would love to be given a six-month dictatorship are not just the innocent ramblings of a delirious dreamer. The charges against Jaques Pauw (author of The President’s Keepers), the SANDF workshop to strengthen the State of Emergency regulations and the military-style raid on the offices of the Helen Suzman Foundations are a telling indication. Zuma recognises that he has run out of road in his Stalingrad legal strategy in which he has utilized to the full his access to state resources that his removal from office would deprive him of.
Zuma’s prosecution would energise the various investigations into corruption across a range of state-owned enterprises currently stymied by Zuma’s cronies in the SA Revenue Service, the police, the National Prosecuting Authority and the Directorate of Priority Crimes (the Hawks). So extensive is Zuma’s network of corruption and patronage that Ramaphosa would have to carry out a purge of ministers and their deputies as well as senior management in SOEs including CEOs. Once he has moved against Zuma, the floodgates to the entire network of patronage and corruption will be opened. To expect the Zupta faction to accept this is naïve.
At the same time the hopes of millions of ordinary workers and the middle class have been raised that Ramaphosa will now proceed to eradicate not just corruption but the economic policies that have plunged millions into poverty, mass unemployment and inequality that have made SA the most unequal society on earth.
But if this conference has proved anything it is that the ANC has forfeited the right to be regarded as the “leader of society”. The outcome is a public repudiation of former ANC Youth League deputy leader Ronald Lamola’s claim that this conference reaffirmed the ANC’s status. The nullification of the ANC’s branch, regional and even provincial conferences amounted to mere indignity. The potential nullification of the national conference would be utter humiliation.
There cannot a much better gauge of the depth of the degeneration of an organisation that continues to style itself as a liberation movement, than the composition of the top six. Ace Magashule and DD Mabuza could just as easily have successfully auditioned for roles in a gangster movie, as stand for election. That such individuals can be elected and promoted as cadres of the “National Democratic Revolution” confirms not just the cynicism of the ANC’s dominant faction, but also that the ANC inhabits a universe parallel to that of the majority of the people – the poor the working class, the middle class and the poor.
The ANC leadership has made much of the claim that the conference was branch-driven and therefore democratic. Nothing could be further from the truth. Periods between ANC conferences routinely see a significant membership decline followed by increases as conferences approach. These increases are accounted for by vote-buying, the convening of branch general meetings for the sole purpose of bolstering the prospects of particular factions to ensure access to state resources for self-enrichment. Delegates are in many cases not even political activists – mere voting fodder for the provincial barons – paid anything from R5,000 to R20,000, accommodated in luxury hotels and even “quarantined” to protect them from “contamination” by larger sacks of money. This was not so much a conference as a gigantic auction with votes going to the highest bidder. That this five-yearly event meets to discuss policies is simply a bed-time story.
If, despite the depth of the antagonism between them, the factions remain members of the same party, it is out of the fear for the electoral equivalent of the doctrine of mutually assured destruction that acts as a deterrent against a nuclear war. A split would mean there would be no ANC government after 2019 and almost certainly spell the end of the ANC as a political formation.
Despite the thunderous rebuke delivered by the electorate in the 2016 local government elections – a decline from 62% to 54% of the national vote and the loss of 3 politically symbolic metros (the economic and political capitals of Tshwane and Johannesburg and the ANC’s spiritual home of Nelson Mandela Bay) – the ANC has proven that it is incapable of “self-correcting”, whatever that means. Even worse it has continued to feed itself on its own its own entrails.
It is a paradox of the toxic climate of factional animosity in the ANC that there are no fundamental ideological differences between them. They are both equally committed to the preservation of capitalism. What the Zuptas are aggrieved about is the impotence of the black capitalist class – their failure, more than two decades since the end of apartheid, to break the domination of “white monopoly capital” over the commanding heights of the economy and to create a black capitalist class whose size corresponds to that of the black population as a whole. Beyond this the black capitalist class and “white monopoly capital”, as the conduct of Bell Pottinger, KPMG, Naspers and Steinhoff to name but a few have shown, are morally indistinguishable – differing with which each other only over who should have the right to exploit the working class.
Zuma’s presidency will of course be associated with two things: the breathtaking levels of corruption and the insolence of the Guptas. Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini’s prayer for Gupta-sponsored ‘state capture’ to be forgiven in the same way as apartheid state capture was, betrays the real driving force behind their campaign for “radical economic transformation.” It is an insulting attempt to lend political respectability to the industrial scale looting and plundering engineered by a family that has virtually colonized Zuma’s government — allowed to acquire so much political power, they operate as a virtual shadow administration.
The Butcher of Marikana
That it is to a figure like Ramaphosa that both the predominantly white capitalist class, international capital and the constitutional democrats are turning is a confirmation of the class interest that drove his campaign. Ramaphosa began to earn his spurs as a bourgeois politician and future capitalist messiah even before the end of apartheid. In reviewing his role at the time Business Day editor Tim Cohen (18/12/17) makes the point that whilst the building of the NUM into the formidable force it became – it reached a membership of 344,000 in four years – was a critical factor in demonstrating to the apartheid regime that the balance of forces had swung decisively against white minority rule, Ramaphosa’s calling off of the 1987 mineworkers’ strike earned him the respect of big business. Although he believed that Ramaphosa had thrown in the towel a little too soon and had failed a kind of ruthlessness test, Cohen concludes, Ramaphosa’s capitulation made him “the obvious person to restart the (Codesa) negotiations that stalled in 1992.”
It is the continued unravelling of the very foundations of Codesa that the ANC conference affirmed. The party of liberation that prided itself on being able to compromise with the party of apartheid and even enter into a government of national unity with it, finds itself unable to compromise with itself.
With the blessing of Mandela, Ramaphosa transformed himself from trade union leader to billionaire. Whilst a non-executive director of mining company Lonmin Ramaphosa proved his loyalty to big business in the most brutal manner. He is directly implicated in the murder of 34 mineworkers in the 2012 Marikana massacre. The day before police gunned down the striking Lonmin mineworkers, in an email sent by Ramaphosa to among others the minister of police, he characterised the strike as a “criminal act” and demanded “concomitant action” by the authorities. The massacre took place the next day.
Ramaphosa’s inaugural remarks as ANC president was sprayed with a liberal helping of radical rhetoric that would not have been out of place at an EFF rally. Welcome as the ANC’s policy on free education dropped into the conference from outside by Zuma in a desperate but unsuccessful bid to swing the presidential succession race in NDZ’s favour may be to working class students especially, there is no guarantee that it will be implemented. NDZ herself postured as the champion of “radical economic transformation”, the cynical and hypocritical slogan of the Zuma faction, which incredibly try and portray their self-enrichment as a radical act against “white monopoly capital”.
The same applies to the land expropriation resolution. The ANC’s Economic Transformation Committee head, Enoch Godongwana, acknowledged the resolution was the “most contentious and … nearly collapsed the conference.” (Daily Maverick 21/12/17).
We have been here before. As the Daily Maverick points out “For example, among the 2017 resolutions on economic transformation, one on strengthening the Competition Commission’s capacity to probe cartels echoes one taken at the 2007 Polokwane ANC national conference on “anti-monopoly and anti-concentration policy” aimed at creating competitive markets, broadening ownership and participation by our people…Ditto many others. There are others that have been left gathering dust, including on land reform and redistribution. The 2007 ANC resolution to “immediately review the principle of willing-seller, willing-buyer so as to accelerate equitable distribution of land” was never really implemented. It was re-endorsed at the 2012 Mangaung ANC national conference, which also resolved on “expropriation without compensation on land acquired through unlawful means or used for illegal purposes having due regard to Section 25 of the Constitution”.
Appointed as Finance Minister on April Fool’s day to spearhead the assault on the control of “white monopoly capital” of the Treasury, Malusi Gigaba’s first order of business was to reassure the rating agencies of the ANC’s continued commitment to austerity – a repudiation of the radical economic transformation agenda. It remains to be seen how, aside from savage cuts to social spending, Gigaba will be able to fund Zuma’s parting factional gift of free education.
For the working class the outcome of this conference has been nothing more than the ANC’s five-yearly ritual in radical posturing. The erosion of its political authority has not been arrested. On the contrary. It is not only in relation to the broader social issues of mass unemployment, poverty and access to essential services that Ramaphosa is bound to disappoint, but most importantly, the stalemate in the top leadership of the ANC means, he will not deliver justice for those clamouring for decisive action to arrest the decay in the public sector and the purging of the worst elements in the predatory elite.
Regardless of the barrage of bourgeois propaganda in his support, there are no prospects whatsoever of the much-hoped for rejuvenation of the ANC under his presidency. Given the depth of the economic crisis, he will not have a honeymoon with the working class like his predecessors. The first test will be the February 2018 budget over which the guillotine of a further much more serious downgrade hovers.
The ANC’s crisis is a crisis for the bourgeoisie. The implosion of the ANC means that it no longer commands the support of the working class majority. The strategists of capital are acutely aware that the parliamentary arithmetic disguises this fact. It may have a 62% parliamentary majority but the 2016 local government elections demonstrate that it enjoys the active electoral support of only 34% of the eligible voting population.
The anguish of the strategists of capital is reflected in Financial Mail editor-at-large Peter Bruce’s uncharacteristic advice to Ramaphosa to resort to radical polices they would ordinarily subject to strident denunciation.
“… while Ramaphosa battles to restore some confidence in the economy he will also have pay heed to the strong showing of the Dlamini-Zuma camp and its calls for radical economic transformation. He will have to sell dramatic new policies on land and state-owned companies. That should not be difficult. The constitution already allows for expropriation without compensation and he will have little difficulty, should he try, to persuade the private sector to play a bigger role in state enterprises.
…business will understand that compromises will have to be made by all sides in the Great South African Debate. There are boils to be lanced and business will be comfortable enough with the mere prospect of a Ramaphosa presidency to pitch in and help him.
It goes without saying that the moment Zuma goes, Ramaphosa will institute a judicial inquiry into State Capture or a kind of State Capture Truth Commission. The Guptas have been fatally rude about him and arrogant generally about their access to power. That stops now. They prospered under a particular set of circumstances in South Africa, most important of which was Jacob Zuma’s weakness for money. Those circumstances have dwindled for months now and they too are officially over. If I were the Guptas I’d get out of South Africa immediately.
Ramaphosa, despite his incomplete victory, suddenly has great power but he will be judged harshly if he hesitates. The mood of the country is easy to read. It wants justice – not merely for the long past but for the near past too. There is no room for prevarication. The country will expect him to act against corruption in a tangible way. It needs to see people on trial and he will deliver. It is, for a start, a sure way to win with a parliamentary majority in 2019.
A judicial inquiry will spare no-one. Ramaphosa will draw former public protector Thuli Madonsela into his administration (perhaps as head of the National Prosecuting Authority) for a start and his big test will be who to prosecute once the inquiry is done. Zuma could face imprisonment – Ramaphosa would probably pardon him but he could only do that once he had been found guilty of something. He will institute a process, with the enthusiastic help of the rest of the world, to bring back money stolen under the State Capture project.
The Dlamini-Zuma camp will quickly fall apart. It has no patronage to offer. Nkosazana herself may be offered a cabinet position but it will be something hard, like basic education, where her ability or otherwise to turn around a wreck will be easily measured.
…. But the biggest job now, politically, is for the opposition. Once Ramaphosa starts doing what obviously needs to be done, where will it find political space? The Economic Freedom Fighters are vulnerable. Zuma was such an easy target. The EFF needs to make policy it can sell to the marginalised without making impossible promises.
The Democratic Alliance is suddenly in the same boat. Without Zuma, or his surrogate, it is going to have to go up against Ramaphosa on economic policy and its leader, Mmusi Maimane, is going to have to craft an economic message that is not only different but also compelling. It is not there yet. Not even close.
But that can wait a little. For now, the ANC has miraculously given the country a Get Out of Jail Free card. The thieves and crooks are in trouble but for the most part we can breathe again. We have room to move, to do the right things. It is a blessed moment.” (Financial Mail, 18/12/17)
Ramaphosa will find that the implementation of his mandate from big business is far easier said than done. Apart from the factional stalemate, this conference has reestablished the two centres of power created by Zuma’s victory ten years ago. Humiliatingly, Mbeki was not permitted to complete his term as the country’s president and was recalled. For the next 18 months Zuma retains the executive powers of appointment to cabinet and state institutions. Ramaphosa’s need to remove Zuma and his determination to hold on for as long as possible will come into sharper collision. It cannot be ruled out however, that a Mugabe-style deal could be agreed with Zuma stepping down in exchange for an amnesty. Ultimately this would be in the interests of factions, increasing the chances of the ANC retaining its majority in 2019, safeguarding its access to the levers of power and the spoils of office.
Far more important than the defeat for the Zuma faction, this conference represents a serious blow to the ANC as a whole. The outcome has accentuated the depth of the vacuum on the left. Zuma’s failure to make mention of either of the Alliance partners – Cosatu and the SACP – in his address, though partly motivated by personal vindictiveness, was confirmation of how irrelevant they and the Tripartite Alliance have become. Their solidarity messages themselves especially that of the SACP, revealed their incomprehension of the reality that they have been discarded like squeezed lemons, their ideological pretensions having exhausted their usefulness. Both SACP general secretary Blade Nzimande and president Senzeni Zokwana did not even make it onto the NEC as additional members – just reward for their support for the butcher of Marikana in this contest. The Tripartite Alliance is a spent force.
The working class has every right to celebrate the ANC’s implosion. Another stone in the edifice of the capitalist class’ post-apartheid dispensation for the perpetuation of our slavery is crumbling. But as much as this is a crisis of bourgeois rule, it is a crisis also for the working class. The ruling class is feverishly preparing for a new dispensation: either a weakened ANC government or a pro-capitalist coalition that will include the DA, the EFF, the UDM and possibly some other parties that could be presented to us as a second edition of the Government of National Unity that ushered in the present dispensation.
The working class cannot wait for the crisis to play itself out. Preparations for a mass workers party on a socialist programme are now an even more urgent necessity. We cannot leave the fate of Zuma and his ANC kleptocracy in the hands of the bourgeois courts. Nor can we fold our arms whilst the strategists of the capitalist class continue to shape the party political terrain as they have with the creation of Agang, the blackening of the DA, the seduction of the EFF and influencing the outcome of the ANC’s presidential factional battle. The new SA Federation of Trade Unions should urgently adopt Numsa’s resolution on the launch of a workers party as its own. A socialist workers party must be built through mass action, uniting the workplace, communities and students to remove Zuma and to bring down the ANC government. Such a party would fight for the creation of a workers’ government committed to the creation of a socialist society. By nationalising the banks, the mines, the commercial farms, big factories and big businesses under the democratic control of workers and communities the power of all the factions of the capitalist class could be broken. On this basis wages can be raised, quality houses built and services delivered, jobs created, and poverty and inequality finally ended.
Statement by Socialist Youth Movement and Workers and Socialist Party
The announcement by President Zuma that government will provide free education for poor working class and lower middle class students, with family incomes of less than R350 000, has understandably been met with cynicism and repugnance for its opportunism. It is nevertheless a major concession to the #FeesMustFall movement and represents a milestone in the struggle for free education.
Whilst this ‘official concession’ should be celebrated, far more importantly, it must be used to mobilise and rebuild a mass, #FeesMustFall campaign to enforce implementation. The campaign must further demand the extension of free, quality public education to all young people without distinction on the basis of family income. The rich elite and corporate monopolies should be taxed to fund free education.
The announcement follows months of the president refusing to release the Heher report on free education and maintaining a deafening silence after its release. Zuma’s unilateral declaration on the sidelines of the ANC’s 54th elective conference, where the matter could have been collectively discussed by the ruling party, has correctly raised questions about the sincerity of his motives. The timing of the declaration of ‘free education for the poor’ is a barefaced political manoeuvre of the Zuma faction, which was clearly losing the struggle to elect his ex-wife, Nkosazana-Dlamini Zuma to succeed him to the presidency of the ANC.
Zuma’s announcement is a cynical attempt to manipulate so-called ‘unity’ delegates by portraying his faction as representing the notion of ‘radical economic transformation’. It is also an attempt to appear to be responsive to the desperate craving of working and middle-class people for an improvement in their lives which has worsened over the past decade. Against the background of the ANC’s disastrous neo-liberal economic policies, the global financial crisis of 2008 was followed by two recessions, deepening poverty, mass unemployment and inequality, shattering what hope remained for a better future.
He clearly also reckons that as the outgoing president, who faces the real prospect of being recalled regardless of the congress’s election outcomes, he stands to lose nothing from such a populist manoeuvre. With his presidency mired in scandal, Zuma hopes to leave a political legacy as the president who supported the most popular demand of the youth and the working class at the present moment.
Victory belongs to #FeesMustFall
However opportunistic Zuma may have been in the timing of his announcement, it is not the factional struggles at the top that have been decisive on this question but the hot-breath of the anger of the youth. The prospects of a repetition of the major political defeat government suffered at the hands of FMF in 2015 terrifies the ruling elite and remains concentrated in their minds, forcing the matter onto the agenda as a factor in the factional squabbling. It was this fear of a massive backlash which made Zuma sit on the Heher report for so long until the start of the exam period. He knew from his many, recently revealed spies in FMF that it will make mobilisation extremely difficult, and after the release, he knew to wait in order to gauge the reaction of FMF, before he could commit the government to any position that could potentially escalate the situation in the event of a mass response from the student movement.
A mass campaign still necessary
#FeesMustFall must be under no illusions that free education will be implemented next year without a struggle. Government has no plan or intention of delivering it. At a minimum, the Minister of Finance would have hinted at it in his Mid-term Budget review, if government had it in their plans. On the contrary, Minister Gigaba has been preaching the neo-liberal gospel of austerity and cuts in public spending to appease the police of finance monopoly capitalism, the credit-rating agencies.
Zuma recognised the high probability of defeat and didn’t like the implications of it, mostly for his future. To keep power and stay out of jail, he will do or say anything. However, we should fully exploit these divisions of opinion, including Zuma’s opportunistic declaration, to hold government fully accountable and rebuild a mass campaign for free education next year.
The Socialist Youth Movement repeats its call for an all-FeesMustFall national conference based on the representatives of all organisations of the revolutionary student movement in this country, and elected delegates from FMF campus assemblies to map a way forward. There is a need to develop a programme of rolling, mass action that can unite the entire student population and mobilise solidarity from the trade union movement and the organised support of working class communities.
by Ferron Pedro, Executive Committee
On 31 October, 54 outsourced security workers working at the Eastern Cape Department of Roads and Public Works had their contracts terminated. Many had worked at their posts for more than 6 years and were suddenly without jobs because a tender had been awarded to a new company. Like in many other cities and provinces, thousands of security workers are employed by private security companies but are effectively working for the Eastern Cape provincial government.
In protest workers planned an occupation of the offices of the Department of Roads and Public Works in Bhisho to force management to the negotiation table to win back lost jobs as well as to recoup stolen wages never paid by security companies. Workers also want to be directly and permanently employed by government and paid a living wage.
On 27 November, workers entered the offices and refused to leave until management addressed their demands. Despite threats of arrest and police arriving at the offices, workers refused to leave until management agreed to meet them. On Tuesday, 28 November, workers returned to the offices for management to address their demands. After 2 days of protest action, workers won important victories at the Eastern Cape Department of Roads and Public Works. All unpaid wages owed to workers will be paid. 40 retrenched workers have been reinstated. Management have agreed to look for other sites for the remaining 14 workers. Workers are determined that they will not give up until all workers are reinstated and outsourcing is ended once and for all.
Part of this work must be the launch of a national campaign to end outsourcing in the public sector. Most workers involved in #Outsourcingmustfall are in the public sector – in workplaces that are funded and directly under the control of the national government in one way or the other. We must demand that national government end outsourcing in their workplaces!
This is a struggle we can win, but only if we organise and mobilise every outsourced and labour-broker worker. This is how victories were won at the Eastern Cape Department of Roads and Public Works, PRASA and at universities in Tshwane where workers are now being insourced.
If we continue to organise and mobilise outsourced and labour broker workers as well as permanent workers earning poverty wages, we can embark on a campaign of rolling mass action – marches, pickets, strikes and occupations– and win permanent jobs and a living wage of R10000 for all.
UPDATE: Since publishing all 54 workers have been reinstated at their posts. The remaining 14 workers started work again on Wednesday, 6 December.
by Federica Miccoli, Tshwane WASP
Life Esidimeni. A name which has become identical with the horrific abuse of the most vulnerable, identical with exploitation, neglect, indifference and inhumanity.
A name that should remain carved in our memories like Marikana, where human beings were sacrificed on the altar of capitalism.
A story whose every detail underlines the ways a neo-liberal society oppresses the needy and steals from them.
The facts are well known: at least 141 mental patients died in unspeakable circumstances in the first months of 2017, after 800 of them had been transferred from a health care facility to a number of NGO’s absolutely unequipped to take care of them. Allegedly the move was made in order to save financial resources. It is a direct consequence of the ANC’s post-2008 austerity programme, strengthened and deepened every year, especially under Pravin Gordhan’s time as finance minister.
Transported like cattle, sometimes tied in bakkies on the route from the health care facility to the NGO’s quarters, mentally disabled persons were deprived of decent accommodation and proper nutrition and left without adequate medical assistance and medication.
Their relatives were not informed of their whereabouts and after at least 141 of them died, often their identity kept and unlawfully used by the same NGOs to receive social grants.
Allegations of devilish collusions between the NGOs and the mortuaries simply add misery to the picture.
Proceedings are still ongoing at the Esidimeni arbitration hearing to acknowledge responsibilities and grant the families of the deceased an opportunity to know the truth about the circumstances of the death of their loved ones and, if available, receive financial compensation.
While we hope that the arbitration will help the relatives of the departed to get closure and possibly also lead to an increased accountability of the government, when loved-ones lives are involved, and our fellow citizens, we cannot get closure just by the unveiling of the individuals responsible.
Can we really believe that the naming and shaming of the few immediately responsible will avert the repetition of similar tragedies in the future?
Are we really convinced that the roots of the problem can simply be found in individual, or even departmental, indifference, negligence, ignorance and greed?
Or shouldn’t we actually ask ourselves what political conviction allowed the Health Department to tramp over the dignity, and ultimately the lives, of hundreds of its citizens and their families?
It is undeniable that capitalist ideas and realities are at the basis both of the problem (mental illness) and of the failure of the solution (totally inadequate treatment).
Roots of mental illness
In his new book, Politics of the Mind, author Ian Ferguson underlines how mental distress in each of its forms, most common as depression, anxiety and suicidal tendencies, are on the increase everywhere in Europe. The numbers of individuals affected are high in particular among those who have lost their jobs or are working under pressure or are in fear of losing social benefits. Debt among low paid workers is also a cause of mental issues.
In other words, the pressures and the challenges of living in a neo-liberal society are a great cause of emotional instability which leads to disability.
Does it ring a bell? Can we somehow link this description to the millions of unemployed or precariously employed in our South African neighbourhoods? Does this remind us of the millions of our children in our townships who can’t dream of any future, due to the unaffordable costs of education? Can we apply these words to the uncountable precarious workers who die every day unreported due to the lack of minimum safety measures? And to the thousands of cancer or other chronically ill patients who have no access to treatment, unless they subscribe to pricey insurances?
The book also challenges the medical model, which suggests that mental distress, whether it’s got the labels depression, anxiety, schizophrenia or whatever, is somehow unrelated to what’s going on in people’s lives, what’s going on in society. That particular model individualises mental distress.
The medical model, followed in the last 150 years, takes away the responsibility of mental illness from society to place it on the individual, in the form of physical (brain) or moral weaknesses.
It goes without say that the individualisation, and consequent medicalisation, of distress identifies the pharmaceutical remedies as the only possible cure. This in turn leads to the enrichment of the pharmaceutic sector.
The author, like us, disagrees with the medical model and suggests that with the current levels of mental distress, the increase is very much related to the pressure that capitalism puts on people’s lives. The solution therefore is a turn from medical to social and economic interventions.
Another cause of psychosocial distress, originating from capitalistic economies, is the alienation of the workers not only from the means of production but also from their material and psychological needs, which are not taken into consideration, or get totally twisted and distorted, in the name of enhanced productivity.
In addition, patients and their families are left on their own to fight the right to their non-conformity, to their humanity, to their uniqueness and diversity. They are left in isolation to handle the inconsistent voices that psychotic patients hear, voices that translate the confusion that comes from being part of a society alienated from itself.
Cost-cutting not care
Where the families cannot take care of the “mentally ill”, as just happened in Gauteng: the government’s view is that the burden on the capitalist structures needs to be minimised, the loss of resources invested in taking care of the “non-productive citizens” (in a capitalist view) must be reduced to the minimum.
Quite interestingly, the South African Mental Health Policy Framework and Strategic Plan 2013-2020 identifies “economic deprivation, low education, unemployment, lack of basic amenities/housing” as the main generators of substance abuse and mental illness in South Africa.
The same plan proposes meaningful solutions, including community based interventions, access to education and jobs for persons with mental challenges, anti-discrimination and awareness raising activities, maximum support to families and carers, recovery and rehabilitation programmes.
Pity that they all sound utopian in a context where profitable mines close, leaving 40,000 people jobless between 2015 and 2016; where one of the main candidates to the Presidency of the country was until a short time ago a shareholder in multinationals that reap off its resources, while cleverly avoiding paying its taxes; where free education keeps on being denied to the poorest, and where 42 unidentified corpses are left unattended on the motorway for several hours, after the open trekker that was carrying them (from nowhere to nowhere, for what they matter) overturned on its way.
The Strategic Plan mentioned above repeatedly refers to the limited financial resources devoted by the South African State to Mental Health and to the need of implementing the proposed measures with the resources available. As such it accepts the status quo, it surrenders to the dictates of a capitalist state. We strongly oppose this stance.
Firstly, the numbers of mentally disabled people and of substance abusers, and therefore the relative costs, could be drastically reduced just by providing adequate housing, food, free healthcare and free education to the poor.
A Latin proverb goes: “mens sana in corpore sano” (A healthy mind sits in a healthy body). How can we have a mentally healthy population if tens of thousands of them still struggle to feed themselves and their children? How can we ask a family, and a society in general, to listen to the psychosocial needs of its members, if everybody is engaged in a constant struggle for physical survival? How can we demand from the youth not to be violent and abusive and not to resort to substances to obliterate their desperation, when not only they are deprived of a meaningful future, but their energy is constantly frustrated and redirected towards what the market wants from them?
Secondly, ownership of the means of production and participation of the workers in the management of the economy would alleviate the sense of alienation and detachment and instill life, interest, sense of responsibility, inventiveness and creativity in the workforce and would give them back their dignity and humanity. In turn, this would reduce mental health issues in society.
Thirdly, psychosocial uneasiness (I purposely refuse to use the term “mental illness”) should be considered the responsibility of the whole society, according to what the “social model of disability” proposes, in contrast to the tenets of the medical model cited above. The Social Model of Disability affirms that “disability is caused by the way society is organised, rather than by a person’s impairment or difference. It looks at ways of removing barriers that restrict life choices for disabled people. When barriers are removed, disabled people can be independent and equal in society, with choice and control over their own lives.”
Which brings to the next burning question: where were the trade unions, where was Nehawu, in Life Esidemeni’s assault on services case? A similar situation in California provoked a working class response.
In January 2015 more than 3,300 members of the National Union of Health Workers (NUHW) struck at Kaiser Permanente, the largest medical corporation in America. Despite record profits, Kaiser refused to employ sufficient staff to meet patients’ needs. In protest, NUHW psychologists, therapists, social workers and psychiatric nurses launched the largest-ever strike of mental health workers, with 65 picket lines in 35 cities.
The week-long strike was followed with petitions and a “No more Kaiser suicides” campaign to publicise the numbers of patients dying from lack of care. Finally, threatened with an open-ended strike, Kaiser agreed to the union’s demands: the right to advocate for patients; wage and pension protection; and a new scheduling ratio that enables patients to be seen more often and mandates new hires to fill the demand.
Linking the needs of workers and patients produced an unprecedented victory.
We did it with the #OutsorcingMustFall campaign. We can, we must, continue the collective fight!
Only by uniting our forces and struggling collectively can we avoid tragedies like Life Esidemeni hurting our families and our society again.
by Weizmann Hamilton Executive Committee & Eldorado Park WASP
This article appears in the August 2017-March 2018 issue of Izwi Labasebenzi
On 8 May 2017, working class discontent exploded in the coloured township of Eldorado Park, south of Johannesburg, and spread rapidly to coloured townships to its north, south, east and west. Although the protests came to be dominated by the housing question, this was in reality a rebellion against the misery of working class life in general, marked by overcrowding, mass unemployment, poverty, poor service delivery, corruption, drug-related crime, gangsterism and violence against women and children.
Despite the fact that the protests in coloured townships are fuelled fundamentally by the same class issues as in black communities, the political narrative is dominated by race. The feeling is widespread in coloured communities that whereas under apartheid they were not “white enough,” under democracy they are not “black enough”.
A new breed of coloured nationalists has emerged such as the Indigenous First Nations of SA Advocacy group (Ifnasa), Patriots for Equality and KhoiSan Traditional Leadership structures promoting contradictory notions of coloured and KhoiSan identity. Some argue that coloureds are descended from the Khoi and San and others completely reject “coloured” as a label imposed by colonialism and apartheid. They are nevertheless united in accusing the ANC government of ignoring the plight of coloureds/KhoiSan. They claim that only blacks have benefitted under the government run by an ANC that framed its historical mission as the “liberation of blacks in general and Africans in particular”.
What is the situation facing the black majority today? According to Stats SA’s 2017 Poverty Trends Report (covering the period 2011-2015) “the proportions of black Africans and coloureds living below the Lower Bound Poverty Line (LBPL) … increased from 43,4% to 47,1% for black Africans and from 20,2% to 23,3% for coloureds”. The LBPL for 2015 is R441 per month. Below this level, people have to cut down on food to be able to buy non-food items like electricity. In 2015 out of every 100 blacks, 47 lived in extreme poverty compared to 23 coloureds out of every 100. In both absolute numbers and per head of population, blacks make up a significantly greater proportion of the poorest of the poor compared to coloureds.
If these statistics tell us anything it is that it is working class “Africans in particular” that have felt the sharp edge of marginalisation. What then is fuelling the sense of coloured marginalisation? The reasons are rooted both in the post-apartheid experience as well as colonial and apartheid history.
The greatest indictment against the champions of coloured nationalism is their indifference to the plight of the black majority today. To challenge social deprivation on the basis that it is coloureds that are “marginalised”, is not just factually incorrect it is politically reactionary. Engaging in this bizarre “Oppression Olympics” blinds the followers of these ideas to the suffering of the majority of all population groups, inflaming racial suspicions and animosity.
Class divisions clearer post-apartheid
The most striking fact of post-apartheid inequalities is that superimposed upon the continuing disparities between whites on the one hand and all other population groups on the other, is the massive increase of inequalities within the black, coloured and Indian populations themselves. According to a report produced by the University of Cape Town’s School of Economics, by 2010 the Gini Co-efficient (a measure of inequality) had declined within the white population, but it had increased significantly amongst all other groups. The highest level of inequality is now within the black population with the top 10% owning 98% of the wealth.
Almost half of South Africa’s dollar millionaires – those with a net value of R14.5 million or more – are from previously disadvantaged groups, according to the latest report by New World Wealth (Fin24 27/04/16). The report found that 45% (21,000) of SA’s dollar millionaires are black, coloured, Indian or Chinese – that is from groups unable to vote prior to 1994. The 2015 SA Wealth Report says of SA’s 48,000 millionaires, that “The number of Indian millionaires in SA has increased by over 400 per cent since 2000 to reach approximately 6,500 at the end of 2014, whilst the number of African millionaires in SA has gone up by a lower 280 per cent over the same period to reach only 4,900 millionaires at the end of 2014.” With the Chinese a very tiny minority, it is clear that of the remaining 10,200 millionaires, the coloureds have the overwhelming majority – the highest of all so-called previously disadvantaged groups.
Indians make up 14% of millionaires but only 3% of the population; coloureds at least 45% of millionaires but 8,9% of the population and Africans only 10% of millionaires but 80% of the population. This is why Zikalala wants coloureds and Indians kicked out of the BEE self-enrichment trough.
But most important of all, such a mistaken approach, instead of creating strength through unity amongst the working class in struggle against their common oppression, erects barriers among them. It also provides an alibi for the elites of all racial groups, diverting attention from what really lies behind the strident accusations of racism emanating from them: competition for state resource and opportunities for self-enrichment. They use the legitimate grievances of the working class of their “own” racial groups in pursuit of their own separate class interests.
Land restitution and Affirmative Action
Both the setting of 1913 as the cut-off date for land restitution, as well as the ANC’s approach to the Employment Equity Act exposes the narrow, exclusionary, reactionary character of its nationalism. The 1913 date confirms that the only land dispossession that matters to the ANC is that suffered by Africans of Bantu descent.
ANC KZN Leader Sihle Zikalala’s call for the exclusion of Indians and coloureds from the ambit of BEE confirms this. Anecdotes amongst coloureds that they are told they are not “black black” when applying for jobs, promotions or tenders are common. The ANC has inverted the pyramid of apartheid oppression into a historical hierarchy of privilege. Accordingly coloureds should take their place in the affirmative action queue for jobs and promotions that corresponds with the “privileges” they enjoyed under Apartheid.
The discussion in the ANC that has now been reopened on the dispossession cut-off date has blown open the entire basis for restitution, undermining the original aims of the ANC’s African nationalism as the rallying cry of united resistance of all ethnic groups. Instead it has cleared the way for claims based not on the dispossession of the African people as a united whole but of the different pre-capitalist tribal groups. On the basis of this approach, if the boundaries of African nationalism can be redrawn to exclude those of non-Bantu ancestry, why can’t they be redrawn to recognise the different Bantu tribes as they were originally constituted? The tribal claims such as those put forward, for example, by King Goodwill Zwelithini of the Zulu “nation” for land restitution from the Queen of England are the logical result.
Against this background the champions of KhoiSan marginalization are now putting forward their own claims. They cite these developments as proof of the marginalisation of the KhoiSan by the ANC just as the Dutch and British colonial powers did before. They accuse the ANC, not without merit, of writing them out of history, not recognising their culture and languages and not celebrating the KhoiSan leaders for their role in the resistance struggles against dispossession and colonial subjugation.
But the advocates of “KhoiSanism” are engaged in the same revision of history as the ANC’s “African” nationalists. There was historically no KhoiSan “nation”. These were separate peoples with their own language and culture who fought separate wars of resistance against colonialism. When they first encountered colonialism they were at different levels of cultural development: the San, pastoralists and the Khoi, herders. The claims of today’s KhoiSan champions are an affirmation that race is a social construct.
Different class interests
Both the “African” nationalists and their “KhoiSan” counterparts represent the frustrated ambitions of the elites of the communities whose cause they claim to champion. Lacking the social weight to fight their own class battles in the quest to climb to the summits of the economy, and shrinking from any action that could threaten the capitalist system itself, they exploit the frustrations and fears within their “own” communities, attempting to mobilise the poor and the working class in their service. The heightened racial tensions in society are inflamed far less by the working class but by the competition amongst the coloured, Indian and black elites, alongside the white middle and upper classes.
Whereas the ANC’s nationalists required the construction of the House of Traditional Leaders out of the same system of tribal-rule fashioned by the apartheid regime as instruments of control unrelated to the genuine system of pre-colonial historical chieftainship, the KhoiSan elite has found it necessary to champion the cause of a non-existent nation. As hypocritical as each other, the African and KhoiSan nationalists have distorted history for the same purpose – to deceive and exploit the working class politically to realise their unrealisable aims – to become the new capitalist ruling class.
It is impossible for the coloured working class to emancipate themselves from marginalisation on their own. The working class struggle, which is for equality of wealth under socialism, not equality of poverty, can be achieved only on the basis of the unity of the working class and the poor of all population groups. The coloureds, moreover, are a minority. Unity with the black working class majority is not an optional extra. To argue that coloureds can end their own poverty separately from the black majority is to blind the working class to the source of their marginalisation – capitalism – and to sow illusions in its capacity to meet coloured and poor working class needs.
The greedy ambitions for self-enrichment of the elites of the “previously disadvantaged” groups are not propelled by the searing poverty of the working class. Rather, out of fear that mobilising the working class to displace “white monopoly capital” would threaten the very existence of the capitalist system their wealth would derive from, they have resigned themselves to the cowardly ambition of assimilation into the wealthy white-dominated ruling elite.
Working class unity – the only way forward
The working class in all population groups have much more in common with their class brothers and sisters across racial barriers, than with their “own” elites. In pointing an accusing finger at the coloureds, the ANC leadership not only confirms the shallowness of their political analysis of the inter-play between race and class in SA; they are also displaying an arrogant presumption about the allegiance of the black working and even middle class towards it. The reality is that the capital of the ANC’s liberation credentials has diminished to the point where it enjoys the active electoral support of only 35% of the eligible voting population. The ANC is being deserted by its “own” people.
The combination of all these factors has created an ideological vacuum on the left that has rendered sections of the coloured, Indian and white working class susceptible to the racist appeal of the nationalists in their communities and for their class discontent to take on a racial colouration. This is not unexpected in a country where racism was from the onset historically intertwined with the development of capitalism, fashioning it as a weapon of divide-and-rule firstly and foremostly over the working class. The national oppression of the black middle class was in that sense but collateral damage necessary to conceal the class essence of colonialism and apartheid. After nearly a quarter of a century of democracy, it is mainly the middle class that remains blinded by race, confusing the substance of today’s manifestation of class exploitation with its racial form.
However, these views are still in the minority. The capitalist economic policies of a government elected by the black majority, have ensured that the main thrust of working class consciousness remains class consciousness. Working class affinity for socialism, far from evaporating, has been entrenched by the betrayal of the ANC, Cosatu and SACP leadership and their class collaboration in upholding a capitalist system unable to meet even the most basic needs of the working class.
The delay in the establishment of a mass workers party has led to a vacuum into which the competing African and KhoiSan nationalisms have stepped. These ideas offer no way forward for the working class. The launch of the SA Federation of Trade Unions offers a new opportunity to mobilise the forces of the organised working class for the establishment of such a party. On the basis of a socialist programme it would be possible to provide workers of all races a political home, uniting them in all the three theatres of struggle – the workplace, the education sector and communities – in a common, united struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the socialist transformation of society.
by Weizmann Hamilton and Tinovimbanashe Gwenyaya
The takeover of power by the Zimbabwe defence force is a military coup in all but name. It represents a turning point in post-independence Zimbabwe and the almost certain end of Mugabe’s reign. The military take-over was precipitated by the dismissal of Mugabe’s most loyal henchman for the past thirty seven years, Emmerson Mnangagwa. This was part of the 93-year old Mugabe’s manoeuvres in Zanu-PF party structures to ensure his 52-year old wife Grace, would succeed him as president.
However welcome the end of Mugabe’s reign may be, the military’s intervention is taking place behind the backs of the masses. To pre-empt the independent movement of the masses, such as the 2016 Tajamuka protests, the military is drawing in the elites, including the opposition, into a political arrangement to impose on the masses a dispensation whose primary aim is to maintain the capitalist status quo. But, notwithstanding this, Mugabe’s removal may be the trigger that re-ignites mass movements, something that would pose urgently the need to draw the lessons of past struggles in Zimbabwe and beyond.
Mugabe’s actions had in the recent period become increasingly erratic. In power through electoral fraud and violence since the 2002 presidential elections, he had presided over an economy that experienced the highest inflation rate in world history rendering the Zimbabwe Dollar completely worthless. It led to the forced abandonment of the currency and its substitution with the US dollar and the SA Rand. The catastrophic economic collapse, 90% unemployment and mass starvation led to a mass exodus, mainly to SA, of at least a quarter of Zimbabwe’s 12 million population.
These developments are taking place against the background of a deepening economic crisis that has compelled Mugabe to go cap-in-hand to China and the West, including the IMF, for economic aid and the lifting of sanctions. According to a September 2016 report by the UK-based Chatham House (Royal Institute of International Affairs) “Zimbabwe is at a watershed, faced with its most serious economic crisis since 2008. A ‘triple whammy’ of deflation, stagnation and low productivity is exacerbated by low commodity prices, weak regional currencies and drought, in the context of a legacy of poor policy and a political succession battle over who will eventually succeed 92-year-old President Robert Mugabe.”
“The gravity of the economic situation has forced the Zimbabwean government into a process of re-engagement with the West. Re-engagement is primarily aimed at attracting new revenue to ease the crisis of liquidity and fiscal deficit. The focus is on improving business confidence and an intensified re-engagement of the international financial institutions (IFIs). However, while there has been some progress in economic reform, there has been little governance and human rights reform.”
The Africa Development Bank analysis of the economy revealed that “in 2016, Zimbabwe’s growth more than halved to 0.5% from 1.1% in 2015. The government responded to the challenging environment by instituting a raft of measures including a temporary ban on imports, issuance of bond notes and introduction of a command agriculture system.
“Zimbabwe’s GDP growth is projected to increase by 1.3% in 2017 spurred mainly by agriculture in view of favourable rains, tourism, manufacturing, construction and financial sectors.”
Independent Online (26/09/16) reported that more than 70 percent of Zimbabweans are living in poverty….“While over the years government has succeeded in halving the population in extreme poverty from 44 percent in 1995 to 22 percent in 2012, however, poverty levels as measured by the Total Consumption Poverty Line has remained high at over 70 percent.”
Grace’s anointment fractures Zanu-PF
According to the same Independent Online article, “Finance Minister Chinamasa said the effects of the country’s economic crisis were mostly felt in the social sectors, where thousands were losing their jobs, children were dropping out of school and hospitals and clinics were running without adequate drugs.”
The events leading up to Mnangagwa’s sacking and those which have followed are the cumulative outcome of the Zanu-PF government’s successive failures since the ‘liberation movement’ assumed power nearly four decades ago.
To many, the crises engulfing the ruling Zanu regime has been precipitated by its long ruling autocratic leader’s failure to appoint a successor. This is only partly true. Zimbabwe has long been in the abyss and this is the unravelling of the political superstructure that Mugabe himself built through that party in order to sustain his unchecked rule over the country.
The initially popular Mugabe won successive landslide victories in elections until he implemented a brutal IMF/World Bank neo-liberal ‘economic structural adjustment programme’ that provoked the uprising of the mid-90s which saw the biggest workers’ protests in Zimbabwean history. However the turn of Zimbabwe’s then trade union leaders towards collaboration with capitalists and rich farmers against Mugabe disarmed this movement and allowed Mugabe to pretend he was a champion of the poor. Since then Mugabe has been able to stay in power by increasingly authoritarian methods backed up by the very same military that has now moved to oust him.
Mugabe’s decision to pick his own successor was the straw that broke the camel’s back. With no record of struggle herself, the military feared that Grace Mugabe would be a force for instability. Grace Mugabe exponential rise to power thus played a decisive role in the expulsion of Mnangagwa precipitating the succession crises now unfolding in Zanu-PF.
Drunk with the euphoria of power, Grace Mugabe and her G40 faction seemed to have assumed Mugabe’s role itself in dictating the programmes of Zanu-PF and by extension those of government. Mnangagwa who claims to have survived food poisoning a few weeks before his sacking has been leading a faction called ‘Lacoste’ which is backed by the military, and securocratic elements within Zanu-PF who have played a leading role in Mugabe’s reign of terror.
A coup in all but name
With Mnangagwa’s flight into exile after his sacking it first appeared that his faction was on the back foot and had been relegated into the political wilderness. But as the events of the past few days illustrate, Mnangagwa’s military backers were not willing to accept defeat.
But the Lacoste faction appears to have moved with the tacit consent of not just SA, but even also after consultation with China. Defence force commander, Major General Constantine Chiwenga is reported to have visited China recently. Mnangagwa himself is reported to have been flown back to Zimbabwe in a SA National Defence force military plane.
The statement by the military that this is not a coup, merely an intervention to clear out the criminal elements that surround Mugabe, appears to be carefully crafted to allow the SADC, chaired by Zuma, and its ‘organ’ for ‘politics, defence and security’, chaired by Angolan president João Lourenço, to allow the military to complete their mission without coming under pressure to take some kind of action to show their disapproval for “regime change” by unconstitutional means.
A military intervention is ruled out. SADC has not even been able to stabilise Lesotho. A military intervention to force regime change in Zimbabwe would ignite a conflagration they would have no control over. Economic sanctions, given the economic crisis, will merely aggravate the situation. The last thing the Zuma regime, which had just initiated steps to repatriate the large Zimbabwean population in SA, is to be obliged to suspend those plans for humanitarian reasons.
It is thus far more likely that the ZDF will be given the time to stabilise the situation by managing Mugabe’s exit and to prepare for the elections due in 2018 with Mnangagwa installed as a caretaker president.
Stabilising the situation will entail a purge of the G40 faction – a process that has already begun. The military will also attempt to portray itself as committed to fighting corruption, restoring conditions for the revival of economic growth and the restoration of social stability.
The masses are their own liberators
The Zimbabwean masses have largely been spectators in the factional battles of Zanu-PF and have in recent days watched with delight as what appeared to be a self-inflicted implosion and the almost guaranteed demise of the Zanu-PF state. Sections of the masses will welcome this development seeing in it the lifting of the yoke of the Mugabe dictatorship.But this would be a mistake. Mnangagwa led the operation during the 1980s Gukurahundi operation murdering an estimated 20,000 Ndebele people. At the same time there is deep distrust in the military and few illusions that it represents hope or an end to the misery of the Mugabe regime. The military has been critical in sustaining the Mugabe dictatorship including carrying out systematic terror to enable Mugabe to keep firm control. Thus there should be hardly any illusions as to whether or not the military represents a tenable alternative for the working masses and poor. In 2016 Mugabe himself revealed that $15 billion of diamond revenue had been looted from the state coffers and was unaccounted for. A recent report revealed that the illicit outflow of diamond revenue was used to prop up the regime and companies which were linked to the military and the Central Intelligence Organisation. This is after the military massacred 200 people severing their limbs when it moved into the Marange diamonds fields east of Zimbabwe to ‘clear’ out ‘illegal’ informal miners in 2008. Neither a transitional government nor it successor will be sable to solve the problems of poverty and mass unemployment.
The atrocities of the military remain well documented; its role in kidnapping and killing opposition supporters particularly during elections remains unquestionable. The military coup is not at all a change of the Mugabe-Zanu regime’s character but represents its continuation and attempt at the regeneration of the military’s control over it in a manner they hope will be self-sustaining. Its purpose is to guarantee the continuation of its autocratic rule and not to usher in a new democratic dispensation under the control of the Zimbabwe’s masses.
The Struggle Continues
The experience of recent years shows that much of the working masses of Zimbabwe understand this very well. This was evident in 2016 when there was a massive uprising and grassroots mobilisation in rejection of Mugabe’s regime. The military responded to this by standing firm and emphasizing its allegiance to Zanu-PF and Robert Mugabe. Therefore the general position of the povo (the masses) is that no alternative is to be found in the Zanu-PF state and all its manifestations or the remnants that may remain.
The lesson both of last year’s mass mobilisation, as well as the whole of Mugabe’s tenure is that reliance on external forces such as SADC (Southern African Development Community) and neighbouring governments is futile and regressive. All the administrations of the South African government – from Mbeki through to Zuma – have propped up the Mugabe regime. After Mbeki suppressed the report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry his own government had instituted which found that the 2002 presidential elections were not free and fair, Zuma followed the same policy until forced to release the report by legal action. The South African Communist Party (SACP) followed suit demonstrating its contempt for the Zimbabwean masses by denouncing the mass demonstrations as recently as last year as the work of a “third force” bent on regime change.
The masses are their own liberators, the Zimbabwean experience of the last two decades confirms this. Only they can lead the revolution. It is foreseeable that for expedient purposes a ‘solution’ will be brokered by SADC or the AU, regardless of their claimed opposition to military coups, in order to legitimize the military junta’s rule.
The struggle, however, continues. As previously emphasised by WASP, the masses of Zimbabwe can only rely on their own programme, their own power and their own organisation to overthrow the autocratic, capitalistic and parasitic bourgeois dispensation to achieve the socialist transformation of Zimbabwean society.
The masses must, as they have previously, demonstrate their rejection of the uninvited imposition of rule by a junta that seeks to safe-guard its looting and plunder. Rejection of this dispensation must be carried out urgently and consistently by the masses so as to demonstrate the utter greed and blatant self-servicing motivation behind this military coup. The Zimbabwean masses, which includes the workers, the youth, and the diaspora must now congregate towards building a mass workers’ party. Such a party must learn from the lessons of the failed attempt in the late 1990s to build one and ensure a new workers’ party strives to lay the foundations of a government of workers and poor on a socialist programme so as to inflict a decisive defeat of the Post-Mugabe dispensation currently mutating.
- Reject Mugabe! Reject the generals! No to dictatorship – civilian or military. Full democratic rights! Demand a trial of Mugabe and his cronies by representatives of workers and poor.
- The working class and poor must take the future of Zimbabwean society into their own hands. No to any coalition with leading elements from the old regime or capitalist forces. This demands a government of workers and small farmers. To prepare for this build mass democratic action committees of workers, youth, the unemployed, small traders and small farmers in every area to elect a transitional authority to lay the foundation for elections to a future government of workers and small farmers.
- Such a government must have a program to end low-pay, poverty and unemployment. decisions on the movement of goods, the running of services and other key decisions about the running of society Mass democratic committees of the Zimbabwean workers, small farmers and the poor to take; seize the assets of Mugabe, the generals, Zanu-PF and other regime leaders, placing them under the control of the action committees.
- Defend the people! Action committees to organise accountable and democratically controlled self-defence units to protect protests and activists from regime intimidation and violence; build action committees of rank-and-file police officers, soldiers and air personnel. Elect rank-and-file leaders and spokespeople and take no orders from regime-linked officers! Build links with the action committees of the people for a united struggle.
- No trust in the imperialist dominated anti-working class UN, AU or SADC. Build links with the working class across Southern Africa. Outside of Zimbabwe organise action committees in all Zimbabwean diaspora communities building strong links with local communities and working class and youth organisations. United struggle against xenophobia. Fight for migrants rights. Organise migrant workers in the trade union movement.
- Workers and young people to take the lead in building a mass revolutionary party to struggle for a socialist Zimbabwe.
Struggle for free education must continue
Socialist Youth Movement Statement
After mounting pressure, president Zuma has now released the long awaited Heher Commission report on the feasibility of free higher education. Located firmly within the framework of “free market”, that is, neo-liberal capitalist economics, its conclusion that free education is unaffordable comes as no surprise. The Feesmustfall campaign for free decolonised education must mobilise again until its demands are met.
Whilst endorsing completely free higher education for TVET students, for university students, the commission recommends Income-Contingent Loans (ICL) from commercial banks. Students would take out a loan covering the full cost of study at the beginning of their studies, and only pay it back when (or if) their post-graduation income reaches a certain threshold.
The report aims simultaneously to reinforce the false narrative that free education is unaffordable whilst trying to undermine the unity of #FeesMustFall through the tactic of divide-and-rule. The concession of free education to TVET students, the “poorest of the poor”, is an attempt to pit working class students against each other, reinforce the notion that university education is just for the select wealthy minority, whilst imposing, in the words of Tarryn Naude, a recent UCT Politics and Economic History graduate and queer student activist, a “debt sentence” on them.
Aiming an ideological blow against the demand for free education for all, it “concludes that it is simply not accurate to suggest that higher education is purely a “public good”, ….the primary benefit of higher education is to the individual graduate and their family: for the potential increase in personal or family advancement, status, income, future opportunity or, simply, self-gratification”. (Daily Maverick, 14/11/17)
This conclusion confirms the continuity of class oppression between the post-apartheid and democratic era. As intended by Verwoerd, the architect of Bantu education, the aim of education policy is to exclude the working class whose only role in society remains now as then, that of “hewers of wood and drawers of water”.
Free Education is affordable
Both the affordability argument and the attempt to divide the movement must be firmly rejected and resisted. There is a colossal plundering of the country’s resources, both by big business and the Guptas – the Johnny-come-latelies to corruption. Free education is entirely affordable. A 2014 report by international monitoring organisation, Global Financial Integrity (GFI), covering the period 2003 to 2012, found that R147 billion in illegal capital outflows left the country every year.
“To put this figure in perspective, (former) Higher Education Minister, Blade Nzimande told parliament that R147-billion could accommodate all university students at all universities in the country.” (Mail & Guardian, 16/12/14). It is estimated that R1.6 trillion is sitting in corporate bank accounts in what amounts to a strike of capital with big business claiming that they cannot find profitable areas for investment.
The Heher report, predictably, has been welcomed only by the DA and FF+. Beyond them it has attracted widespread rejection firstly by students in the #FeesMustFall movement. The ANC Women’s League, Cosatu and the EFF have rejected it for various reasons. The Banking Association has expressed serious reservations about relying on government guarantees for student loans. Universities SA says the report’s proposals are unclear. Even NSFAS has poured cold water on the viability of ICL as a substitute for its own role. In the end ICL merely reproduces the same burden on working class students, as does NSFAS – a lifetime of debt that might never be paid given the dire economic crisis, a shrinking jobs market and mass unemployment. All the institutions of the elite have come out unanimously against the demand for free education not only as a right but as a necessity.
Zuma – a free education messiah?
Given this situation it is not outside the realm of possibility that Zuma will exploit the divisions around the report to proceed with a populist announcement of his own. It is notable that whilst having released it under public pressure, the presidency has not endorsed the report. Instead it has announced that the ministerial committee is still “processing” it. It cannot be ruled out that Zuma may announce his own proposal for free education as a populist gesture either before the ANC’s December elective conference or after in a desperate attempt to arrest the ANC’s declining electoral support ahead of the 2019 general elections.
Against the background of the worst economic crisis since the ANC came to power, with economic growth revised downwards to 0.7% for 2017, a revenue shortfall of R50 billion and the Auditor General’s findings of fruitless and wasteful expenditure amounting, so far, to R45 billion (that could climb to in excess of R60 billion) Zuma’s approach to the question of free education is not driven by the interests of working class students. His priority is the interests of his faction in a life and death struggle to retain control of the ANC, to ensure the succession of Nkosazana-Dlamini Zuma to keep him out of jail and to consolidate access to state resources for self-enrichment and corruption.
The R40 billion his advisor is rumoured to have calculated would be needed to fund their “free education” proposal, will not entail taking action against big business – to stop illicit financial flows or to increase corporate taxes which have been reduced to 28% today from 44% in 1994. It will in that sense be no different from the approach of the Hefer Commission – to preserve the status quo of the class divisions in society and to bend the knee to the rating agencies – the financial global police. It will entail redirecting funding, for example, from the Unemployment Insurance Fund or cutting social welfare budgets to fund free education – robbing Peter to pay Paul.
Despite the phony class war against “white monopoly capital” Zuma is a representative of a faction of the post-apartheid black political elite that has overseen the re-ordering of class divisions resulting in inequalities within the black, coloured and Indian communities overtaking the inequalities between black and white inherited from apartheid. The highest level of inequality is now within the Black population with the top 10% owning 98% of the wealth.
Zuma’s indifference towards the impact that a possible further rating agency downgrade could have on the working class, is shown in his willingness (together with his newly appointed Energy Minister Mahlobo) to publicly contradict Finance Minister Gigaba’s statement that the proposed nuclear-build programme is unaffordable.
Zuma’s “free education” will reinforce inequalities
Zuma’s rumoured counter-proposal will leave the current inequalities across the entire education system intact – one that systematically culls the number who start primary school to the point where only 4 out of 100 blacks graduate from university.
As Neva Makgetla has pointed out:
“The quality of state schools mostly reflects their position in the apartheid system of 22 years ago. The top 15% of schools have been integrated, but they remain privileged. The rest – well, you’re lucky to make it to matric, luckier to pass, and very unlikely to have a chance at further education.
In 2015, the wealthiest 15% of schools — virtually all of them historically non-African — accounted for 30% of university passes, while the poorest 25%, most of them in the former so-called “homeland” areas, got about half as many. The richest schools had a pass rate of more than 90%, with half getting university exemptions; in the poorest 25%, just 62% of pupils passed, and under a fifth qualified for university. (Business Day, 22/11/16).
Even worse, the effect of a downgrade would considerably worsen these inequalities as this neo-liberal government, unwilling to defy the ratings agencies and the interests of the imperialist powers they ultimately serve, will be compelled to step-up cuts to comply with their demands to maintain a cap on expenditure. Despite his appointment as Finance Minister, Gigaba, with much fanfare as an assault on “white monopoly capital”, and the setting up of a parallel administration, his first order of business was to reassure rating agencies that he will continue the neo-liberal polices of his predecessor, Pravin Gordhan to make the working class pay for the crisis of capitalism with savage cuts.
The overwhelming majority of students have rejected Heher’s report. But the consensus that underpinned the unity of the #FeesMustFall Movement since 2015 has not been sustained. A number of factors have combined that has led to the break-down that secured the 0% fee increase in 2015. These include the active intervention by the state to subvert the movement. Zuma’s advisor Masutha turns out to have been a spy for the State Security Agency during his time as a #FeesMustFall leader at Wits University. Equally important #FMF has lacked ideological, programmatic and ideological coherence leaving it vulnerable to being used to bolster the factional struggle within the ANC between forces that, despite the strident antagonism between them, represent the same anti-working class interests.
A national conference to unite FMF for free education
The routing of the PYA in the SRC elections this year at Wits however, shows that the many students have seen through theirs and Black First Land First’s radical posturing particularly during the second phase of the #FMF protests. Despite the BLF’s craven collaboration with the corrupt Guptas, they will use Zuma’s attempt to posture as the messiah of free education and present his proposal as a defiance of “white monopoly capital” to try and breathe new life into their campaign to legitimise corruption.
There is an urgent need to establish, ideological clarity, programmatic coherence and organisational unity to take the student movement forward once again. A campaign for free education must be linked to the struggle against capitalism and the socialist transformation of society. As the SYM has argued, the education crisis is rooted in the crisis of capitalism not only in SA but globally.
Student debt in the US is the equivalent of all credit card debt. Students in Spain recently won a famous victory against the state’s attempt to erect additional barriers to university education for working class students. Education cuts and opposition to free education is at the forefront of capitalist governments across the world. The programme for free education must be linked to the struggle for the socialist transformation of society. This in turn requires uniting students in a mass socialist student movement, linking up with the organised working class, and working class communities under the umbrella of a mass workers party on a socialist programme – to place the commanding heights of the economy under the democratic control and management of the working class.
In preparation for this the SYM reiterates its call for a national #FMF conference to analyse the lessons of the struggle so far, thrash out a platform and programme of action, and to systematically link up with the working class communities in struggle and the organised working class.
The SYM counter-poses to the craven cowardice of the capitalist elite, the unity of working class students in SA and worldwide in a common struggle for socialism.
Brutality of outsourcing exposed
By Ferron Pedro, Tshwane WASP & UP Socialist Youth Movement
Mokhiti Johannes Moeti, a worker outsourced to Servest, was killed on Monday when he was pulled into a powerful chipper machine at University of Pretoria’s LC De Villiers campus. Mulisa Mabudafhasi, Moeti’s coworker, found his body, which had been butchered by the machine.
According to accounts from workers, Moeti and Mabudafhasi had been tasked to both operate the machine and gather branches to place into it, which meant that often only one of them was actually operating the machine at a time. Mabudafhasi explains that they had not received adequate training on how to use the machines with the training session lasting only one day. Describing the management’s attitude to training, he said, “It is not qualified, good training. It is a danger to us. You brought a new machine to bring to the workers. You give them only one day training on the machine –no practical, no anything. You just say, ‘We operate the machine like this’. You never show the operators how to start the machine. You never show the operators how to switch off the machine. But you want the operators to operate the machine… It’s not training. It’s only an explanation. ”
A member of General Industries Workers Union of South Africa (GIWUSA) and participant in the #OutsourcingMustFall campaign Moeti had been redeployed from working at the golf course, after fighting with the “client” – the bosses at the University of Pretoria – and didn’t have any experience with the machine but was forced to do the job. When asked for his job title Mabudafhasi explains, “[We] don’t have any job description because they want us to do any job they want at anytime which is not right. I have not been able to read my contract. They forced me to sign it without reading it and I didn’t receive any copies.” Mabudafhasi says they were never shown what safety measures to take when using the machine. On the day of the incident, he explains that the supervisor switched on the machine and left the campus, leaving Moeti and Mabudafhasi to operate it. Mabudafhasi describes the stress and constant pressure placed on them by management: “My colleague was under pressure… The manager shouts at us every day. Their approach to me when they speak to me is not good. They treat people differently based on whether they are white or black. You are shouting at me. Who gives you the right to shout at me at work? You have the right to talk to me. You have the right to show me the work. If I’m doing something wrong, don’t shout at me, “You are a stupid!” How can you call a worker stupid?”
He had left Moeti and the machine to fetch a van but afraid of abuse from management, Moeti continued to place branches in the machine. Mabudafhasi explains, “We have a lot of work. They look at every step we take. They look at every mistake we do. The management victimizes us and so we are stressed. It becomes harder to focus on work. That’s the cause. That’s why this thing happened that way. If your manager puts you under pressure to do your job, you are not concentrating on the machine but on your manager.” While on his own, Moeti continued to work, the branches hooked into his gloves and pulled him into the machine leading to his tragic death.
“There were supposed to be two people on each side of the machine but one of us needs to collect the branches. That machine is fast and powerful. Once it catches something then he goes out like mince meat. Mince meat. You will never see anything that shows that that was a person in the morning,“ laments Mabudafhasi. The impact on workers at the campus is plain. They have been traumatized by the unnecessary death of their comrade. Mabudafhasi says, “To be honest, I am strong but this thing is killing me. I didn’t sleep yesterday. I’m here because I’m strong but I’m not feeling well at all… If I close my eyes I can see that thing happening.“
As a result of the #outsourcingmustfall campaign, workers like Moeti and Mabudafhasi have won salary increases of over 100% from R3,000 to R6,500 with an agreement to increase it further to R10,000 by the end of 2018. The militant activism of GIWUSA trade union organizers, Workers and Socialist Party (WASP) activists and outsourced workers have gained much ground at the University of Pretoria but, as this tragedy shows, there is much work to be done for the strengthening of worker representation and access to workplace rights at this campus and elsewhere. GIWUSA President and WASP leader Mametlwe Sebei explains, “The very fact that they deny these workers their right to union representation is criminal enough firstly because workers are unable to negotiate their health and safety rights and secondly, they cannot be represented during this inquiry owing to lack of trade union representation.”
Workers are demanding the immediate recognition of their union, GIWUSA, by university management including the necessary healthy and safety representation; the immediate suspension of supervisors at their work site as well as legal inquiry into criminal liability of management; an upgrade of the equipment to make it safer including the addition of a belt; certified training in the use of the machinery required to do their work as well as more staff to make sure operations are safe; an increase in salary including hazard pay for operating dangerous machinery; safety equipment including safety trousers, gloves with clips and safety boots for all workers.
GIWUSA organizer, Isaac Malema, says, ‘We are sad by the passing away of one of our own who was chopped by compost making machine. The police have opened a case of inquest and are investigating. The case number of the inquest is 142/11/2017 and the investigation officer is Sergeant Hlongwane of Brooklyn police station. The Department of Labour is also conducting its own investigation. It is almost a week since the incident but no one has been suspended pending the investigation. We met with the family. It was very traumatic and workers received group and individual counseling. May his soul rest in peace.”
The university management has yet to release public comment on the tragic death of a worker at their facility.
A Memorial Service will be held on Friday, 10 November at the University of Pretoria’s LC De Villiers Campus from 12:00 -14:00.
Executive Committee statement
The Workers and Socialist Party congratulates the General Industries Workers Union of South Africa (GIWUSA), and all its members, office bearers and officials on their successful National Congress which took place over the last weekend.
This, GIWUSA’s 4th National Congress, saw a landmark decision in the history of the union. Delegates voted in favour of affiliation to the new Saftu federation, founded earlier in the year as a militant alternative to the class collaboration and betrayals of the Cosatu leadership.
It was the rejection of the Cosatu leadership’s betrayals, as far back as 2003, that brought the modern incarnation of GIWUSA into existence. For daring to defend the class and political independence of the workers’ movement by questioning the continued participation of Cosatu in the ANC-led Tripartite ‘Alliance’, 16 office bearers and officials of the industrial workers’ CEPPAWU union were undemocratically removed from office. Supported by more than 6,000 members they became the majority and the backbone of today’s GIWUSA.
The creation of the new federation is a vindication of the correctness of what in 2003 was a view held by only a tiny minority in the workers movement – that the trade union movement needed to reclaim its independence by breaking-out of the pro-capitalist Tripartite Alliance. In WASP and our forerunners we shared this view, however we took the position to its logical conclusion in our consistent championing of, and campaigning for, a new socialist mass workers party. We would argue that this is the only way to genuinely safeguard working class independence from the corrosive and corrupting influence of the bosses.
With the ANC, the main party of capitalism, in its most serious crisis ever, the question of the political independence of the working class is posed more sharply than ever. Now hundreds of thousands of organised workers are drawing the same conclusions in the founding of the new federation and in the developing discussions about the role Saftu could play in creating a new workers party. In the decision to join Saftu after 15 years without any affiliation, GIWUSA’s worker-delegates have sent a clear message that they want their union to be at the heart of the new worker-controlled trade union movement that is emerging in South Africa.
A new team of National Office Bearers were elected, including Mametlwe Sebei as President, left trade union activist John Appolis as General Secretary and Charles Phaahla as Deputy General Secretary. Mametlwe Sebei is also a member of WASP’s Executive Committee.
Over the past two years thousands of workers from the #OutsourcingMustFall campaign have made GIWUSA their home. In Tshwane #OMF activists were key in swelling the ranks of GIWUSA in the capital city to the nearly 4,000+ that are there today. This led to the re-founding of the Pretoria-Brits-Rustenburg GIWUSA branch in April this year. The elections for the branch leadership returned a full-house of #OMF activists, all of whom are also members of WASP.
In Cape Town, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni and Mogale City workers from #OMF are also joining GIWUSA. Reflecting the important role that they are now playing inside GIWUSA, both #OMF and WASP were given the honour of addressing the Congress.
WASP is firmly committed to working with all those determined to build GIWUSA into a democratic worker-controlled and militant union and to play a full role in assisting the same traditions to be built inside Saftu.